The real barbarians: How the French and British ‘civilized’ Africa

野蛮人是谁:法英两国"文明化"非洲的真相

Both colonizers, despite their differences, aimed at squeezing profit for their imperial centers

两个殖民者虽有不同,但殊途同归都是为了给帝国中心榨取利益

The colonial footprints in Africa paint a bitter picture of socioeconomic exploitation and political repression, and at its heart are Britain and France. These countries operated different complex yet similar systems of colonial governance. To this end, unmasking their colonial games is necessary for a better understanding of how this complex chain of mechanisms impact the continent today.

非洲大陆上的殖民足迹,勾勒出一幅令人心痛的图景:社会经济遭受剥削,政治自由备受压制。这一切的始作俑者,正是英国和法国。这两个国家虽然采取了不同的殖民统治体系,但本质上却惊人地相似。要想真正理解这些复杂的殖民机制如何影响今日非洲,我们必须揭开他们的殖民面纱,直面历史的真相。

Britain’s web
The 15th and 16th century marked an influx of colonial powers to Africa. By the early 16th century, the British under Queen Elizabeth I had deployed its ‘sea dogs’ (a group of notorious pirates) led by John Hawkins, whose duty initially was to attack and loot Spanish ships sent to Africa.

英国的殖民网
15、16世纪,殖民势力如潮水般涌入非洲。16世纪初,伊丽莎白一世统治下的英国已经派出了他们的"海狗"——一群臭名昭著的海上劫匪。这支队伍由约翰·霍金斯率领,最初的任务是袭击和掠夺西班牙派往非洲的船只。

By 1564, the gang had changed its focus to capturing and selling Africans as slaves to the West Indies to work on plantations, the final products of which were sent to Britain in a triangular form of trade – a system of trade which became known as the transatlantic slave trade.

到了1564年,这帮家伙改变了主意。他们开始抓非洲人,把他们当奴隶卖到西印度群岛的种植园去干活。最后,种植园的产品又运回英国,形成了一个三角形的贸易链条。这就是后来大家所说的跨大西洋奴隶贸易。

Colonial carve-up: The 1884 borders that still profit the West
Experiencing the lucrativeness of the expeditions by the sea dogs, the queen decided to sponsor the rest of their missions. The colonial crown further institutionalized this act by establishing the Royal African company in 1672 under the authorization of King Charles II to exclusively carry out trade in looted resources in Africa such as gold, slaves, and ivory.

海盗远征的丰厚利润让女王看到了商机,她决定资助他们的后续行动。殖民王室更进一步,在1672年在查理二世的授权下成立了皇家非洲公司。该公司专门经营从非洲掠夺而来的资源,如黄金、奴隶和象牙。

Until 1884, when the concept of effective occupation was adopted as part of the General Act of Berlin during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, the British ambitions were not primarily territorial in nature, but rather to establish a web of trade posts dealing in looted obxts in a barbaric black market. This covert system of looting was in later years transformed into the system of ‘indirect rule’.

直至1884年,"有效占领"的概念在1884-85年柏林会议的《柏林总法案》中被采纳之前,英国的野心并非主要在于领土扩张。他们的目标是建立一个贸易站网络,专门经营被掠夺的物品,形成了一个野蛮的黑市。这种隐蔽的掠夺系统后来演变成了所谓的"间接统治"制度。

France’s ‘mission’
However, the French fancied both territorial expansionism and trade in looted obxts. This is proven by the establishment of the Saint-Louis trade post in Senegal in 1659 as part of a vision to create a North-West African dream with Senegal as its center.

法国的"使命"
然而,法国人的野心既包括领土扩张,也包括掠夺物品的贸易。这一点从1659年在塞内加尔建立圣路易贸易站可见一斑。这是法国人构建以塞内加尔为中心的西北非帝国梦想的一部分。

The dream entailed establishing effective control over territories from West Africa including present day Cote d’Ivoire, Niger, Guinea, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania to territories in the north, such as Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco. To the French, this expansionist policy offered a competitive advantage in terms of trading in looted obxts and spreading French language and culture as part of the ‘mission civilisatrice’ (civilizing mission), an idea that permeated French society’s 18th century Age of Enlightenment.

这个梦想包括有效控制从西非(包括现今的科特迪瓦、尼日尔、几内亚、布基纳法索和毛里塔尼亚)到北部地区(如阿尔及利亚、突尼斯和摩洛哥)的广大领土。在法国人看来,这种扩张政策不仅能在掠夺物品贸易上占据优势,还能传播法语和法国文化。这正是18世纪法国启蒙时代所谓"文明使命"理念的体现。

Indirect rule by the British vs. assimilation by the French
The differences in their visions propelled the colonialists into operating different systems of colonial governance. The British took a self-righteous position in abolishing the slave trade because it began to raise antagonism among the people.

英国的间接统治与法国的同化政策
两国愿景的差异导致了不同的殖民统治体系。英国以一种自以为是的姿态废除了奴隶贸易,理由是这种做法开始引起民众的反抗情绪。

However, under the guise of crushing leaders engaged in the slave trade, they covertly ceased the opportunity to depose political leaders such as Nana and Jaja in Nigeria who opposed British rule and had abolished the slave trade for trade in rubber and palm oil in the 1800s. This laid the foundation for the British system of indirect rule as it arguably instilled fear among opposing leaders and rallied support for British puppets. Through indirect rule, they governed the people through the elites and chiefs loyal to the British colonial crown.

然而,英国人以打击参与奴隶贸易的领导人为借口,暗中废黜了那些反对英国统治的政治领袖。如尼日利亚的纳纳和贾贾,他们在19世纪就已废除奴隶贸易,转而经营橡胶和棕榈油贸易。这一举动为英国的间接统治奠定了基础。它在某种程度上震慑了反对派领导人,同时为英国的傀儡争取了支持。通过间接统治,英国人借助忠于英国殖民王室的精英和酋长来统治民众。

The French had the governor general, appointed by a sext committee in France, an Advisory Council which predominantly consisted of the French and appointed local governors who were Africans.

法国人设立了由法国特别委员会任命的总督,一个主要由法国人组成的咨询委员会,以及由非洲人担任的地方长官。

To ensure the people trusted the colonial government, the French granted citizenship to Africans who reached a certain level in language proficiency and cultural assimilation. These people were often referred to as ‘évolués’,meaning ‘those who have evolved’. They were seen as second-class French nationals, possessed limited civil and political rights, and were often subjected to racism. Africans were allowed to elect their own governors periodically from candidates sexted by the French colonial government, and the ‘évolués’ in some instances, as in the case of Senegal, were allowed to elect their own representative to the French National Assembly. A notable example is Blaise Diagne, who served in the French National Assembly from 1914-34.

为了赢得民众对殖民政府的信任,法国给予那些在语言和文化上达到一定"法国化"程度的非洲人公民身份。这些人被称为"évolués",意为"已进化者"。然而,他们仍被视为二等法国公民,只拥有有限的公民和政治权利,并经常遭受种族歧视。非洲人被允许从法国殖民政府选定的候选人中定期选举自己的长官。在某些情况下,如塞内加尔,这些"已进化者"甚至被允许选举自己的代表进入法国国民议会。布莱斯·迪亚涅就是一个著名的例子,他在1914-34年间在法国国民议会任职。
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Despite inner differences in their colonial policies, the British and French authorities were flexible and often borrowed from each other. The British operated a formally similar system. There was the governor general, resident commissioners, Christian missionaries, colonial officers, chiefs, and colonial agents.

尽管殖民政策存在内部差异,但英法两国的殖民当局都表现出了灵活性,常常相互借鉴。英国实行了一个形式上相似的系统,包括总督、驻地专员、基督教传教士、殖民官员、酋长和殖民代理人。

The chiefs and colonial agents were predominantly Africans, while the rest were British. The Africans were responsible for collecting taxes, fees for enrollment in the slave trade to capture their fellow Africans and sell them to the British. They also assisted in hearing complaints for colonial justice as well as the work of the Christian missionaries. This was important because the Christian missionaries provided schools to train the locals in line with British colonial policies. In the Gold Coast (modern Ghana), the Wesleyan Methodist missionary established the Mfantsipim boys school and the Wesley Girls’ High School for this purpose, and agents such as Reverend Thomas Thompson, an educator who wrote a pamphlet titled ‘The African trade for Negro slaves shown to be consistent with the principles of Humanity and Laws of revealed Religion in 1778’.

酋长和殖民代理人主要由非洲人担任,而其他职位则由英国人担任。非洲人的职责包括征税、为奴隶贸易收取费用(这意味着他们要捕获自己的同胞并卖给英国人)。他们还协助处理殖民司法投诉和支持基督教传教士的工作。这一点很重要,因为基督教传教士通过开办学校来培训当地人,使其符合英国殖民政策。在黄金海岸(现今的加纳),卫理公会传教士建立了姆凡齐皮姆男子学校和卫斯理女子高中。一些代理人如教育家托马斯·汤普森牧师,在1778年写了一本小册子,题为《非洲贸易中的黑人奴隶被证明与人性原则和启示宗教法则一致》。

By employing this strategy, the British sought to maintain intermediaries to assist them instill trust in the colonial administration, avoid resistance, and reduce administrative cost.

采用这种策略,英国人意在维持一批中间人,以帮助他们在殖民管理中建立信任,避免抵抗,同时降低管理成本。

In situations in which the French policy of assimilation encountered challenges, the French practiced a similar indirect system as in the case of French Sudan (present-day Mali). The highly Islamic-centered north in French Sudan rejected French culture, as they considered it to be contrary to their values. To address this, the French collaborated with the chiefs and elites to indirectly govern them according to the French colonial rules and consequently indirectly forced them to adopt French practices.

在同化政策遇到挑战的地方,法国也采取了类似的间接统治方式,如在法属苏丹(现今的马里)。该地区北部深受伊斯兰文化影响,拒绝接受法国文化,认为它与自身价值观相悖。为了应对这一情况法国与当地酋长和精英合作,通过他们间接实施法国殖民规

Britain’s ‘common’ wealth: How London ensures that Africa never prospers
In a nutshell, the French policy of assimilation was geared towards creating second-class French nationals who would adhere to French values, culture, and instructions, while the British indirect rule policy sought to create ‘puppets on the string’ by allowing traditional rulers to maintain their culture while they govern the colonies through them.

更多详情敬请阅读:英国的"共同"财富:伦敦如何确保非洲永远无法繁荣
简言之,法国的同化政策旨在创造一批遵循法国价值观、文化和指令的二等法国公民,而英国的间接统治政策则试图打造一批"傀儡",表面上允许传统统治者保持其文化,实则通过他们来统治殖民地。

Socioeconomic influence
The infrastructural development was strategically taken as part of a colonial policy. The Congo-Ocean Railway line, for instance, was constructed in the 1920s to transport timber and minerals from Congo-Brazzaville to the port of Point-Noire, to be exported to Paris.

社会经济影响
基础设施建设被战略性地纳入殖民政策。例如,20世纪20年代修建的刚果-海洋铁路线,其目的是将木材和矿产从刚果-布拉柴维尔运送到黑角港,再出口到巴黎。

In the Gold Coast, the British in 1898 began construction of a cargo railway line lixing the Port of Sekondi to Tarkwa (a gold mining community in Ghana) to exploit minerals to be exported to Britain.

在黄金海岸,英国于1898年开始修建一条货运铁路线,连接塞康迪港和塔夸(加纳的一个金矿区)。这条铁路的目的是为了开采矿产并将其运往英国。

However, infrastructural developments were carried out by coerced Africans who had to work for free for some days in a year. The French, in particular, introduced the ‘prestation policy’, which involved 12 days of compulsory free labor of Africans for what was described as public works. Forced labor, including for juveniles, became so widespread that an international labor convention prohibiting it was signed in 1930, but the colonial powers blatantly ignored it. The French further extended this practice by compulsorily enlisting Africans in the Armee d’Afrique (African Army) and using them for these types of projects.

然而,这些基础设施的建设是由被强迫的非洲人完成的,他们每年都被迫无偿工作数天。法国特别引入了"prestation政策",要求非洲人每年进行12天的强制无偿劳动,声称是为了公共工程。强迫劳动,包括对青少年的剥削,变得如此普遍,以至于1930年签署了一项禁止强迫劳动的国际劳工公约。但殖民大国公然无视这一公约。法国更进一步,强制征召非洲人加入非洲军(Armee d'Afrique),并将他们用于这类项目。

The British West African Frontier Force and the West African Force, on the other hand, were extensively used to suppress nationalist movements that opposed British rule and the imposition of taxes, such as the Hut Tax. This was a tax imposed on residents of British colonies to fund the colonial administration based on the size of their houses – that is, huts. In Sierra Leone, attempts to suppress dissent against this tax led to the Hut Tax War of 1898.

另一方面,英国西非边防部队和西非部队被广泛用于镇压反对英国统治和征税的民族主义运动,如反对小屋税的运动。小屋税是英国对殖民地居民征收的一种税,目的是为殖民管理筹集资金,税额基于居民房屋的大小。在塞拉利昂,试图镇压反对这种税收的异议最终导致了1898年的小屋税战争。

Did British and French ways of economic exploitation differ?
Despite the differences, there were stark similarities between the economic policies, as both economic mechanisms perpetuated a sense of dependency.

英国和法国的经济剥削方式是否有所不同?
尽管存在差异,但两国的经济政策之间有着惊人的相似之处,因为这两种经济机制都延续了一种依赖关系。

Will Africa take its gold from a greedy West?
Different currencies – the British West Africa’s pound and the East Africa’s shilling, as well as the CFA Franc (Colonies Françaises d’Afrique) – were imposed on the colonies. By the beginning of the 20th century, both countries were operating through corporations, such as the French controlled Compagnie Francaise d’Afrique Occidentale (CFAO) and the British controlled United Africa Company (UAC), which was a subsidiary of the Anglo-Dutch company Unilever.

更多详情敬请阅读:非洲能否从贪婪的西方手中夺回属于自己的黄金?
不同的货币被强加于殖民地——英属西非的英镑、东非的先令,以及法郎(用于法属非洲殖民地)。到20世纪初,两国都通过公司来运作,如法国控制的法属西非公司(CFAO)和英国控制的联合非洲公司(UAC),后者是英荷公司联合利华的子公司。

Africans were forced to form cooperatives to grow specific cash crops that the colonial states needed. The colonial corporations later fixed the price of these crops at a minimum, which were later exported to the colonial states. Secondary goods were later imported from the colonial states for the colonies by the colonial corporations at higher prices. This ensured two things. First, that the colonies remain ‘offshore plantations’ for the colonial power, and second, that the colonies remain economically poor while clamoring for secondary goods from the colonial power.

非洲人被迫组建合作社,种植殖民国家指定的经济作物。殖民公司随后以最低价格收购这些作物,并将其出口到殖民国家。紧接着,殖民公司又以更高的价格将二级商品从殖民国家进口到殖民地。这种做法确保了两点:首先,殖民地始终是殖民大国的"离岸种植园";其次,殖民地在经济上持续贫困,同时渴望从殖民大国获得二级商品。

After French colonies had gained independence, France desired to keep these policies through series of agreements under an arrangement known as Françafrique. However, this created antagonism against Charles De Gaulle for several reasons, particularly his failure to provide justifications that resonated with the Africans. He created a sense of entitlement to the colonies that were determined to gain independence, as in the case of Guinea under Sekou Toure.

法国殖民地获得独立后,法国试图通过一系列协议,在"法兰西非洲"的框架下维持这些政策。然而,这引发了对戴高乐的敌意,原因有几个,尤其是他未能提供非洲人认可的理由。他对那些决心获得独立的殖民地表现出一种权利感,如在塞古·图雷领导下的几内亚就是如此。
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The efforts to become independent in 1958 and adopt its own currency angered the French government and led to ‘Operation Persil’. This was blatant sabotage by France to destabilize Guinea for voting for complete independence from France’s influence on three fronts. Economically – by flooding Guinea with fake banknotes to create hyperinflation, politically – through mass shipments of weapons into Guinea and transforming the opposition into paramilitaries to cause chaos and eventually overthrow the president, Sekou Toure. And lastly, socially – by destroying critical civilian infrastructure in Guinea, including telecommunications and sewage systems.

1958年,几内亚争取独立并采用自己的货币的努力激怒了法国政府,导致了"潘趣酒行动"。这是法国对几内亚投票完全脱离法国影响的公然破坏,从三个方面进行:经济上,通过向几内亚大量投放假钞造成恶性通货膨胀;政治上,大规模运送武器到几内亚,将反对派转变为准军事组织,制造混乱并最终试图推翻总统塞古·图雷;社会上,破坏几内亚的关键民用基础设施,包括电信和污水系统。

On the other hand, after a series of agitations with the colonies, such as the Gold Coast, Britain and other Western countries decided to grant power to the colonies to govern their own affairs to a large extent after gaining independence. By this, African states could adopt their own currencies as well as developing independent economic and security policies, but Britain maintained engagements with its former colonies through the Commonwealth of Nations. Through this, former colonies maintain British structures, such as language and common legal systems. Unlike France, Britain also strategically positioned its firms, such as De La Rue, as a better alternative to print currencies of its former colonies through commercial agreement rather than political intimidation.

另一方面,在与殖民地(如黄金海岸)发生一系列争端后,英国和其他西方国家决定在殖民地获得独立后,赋予它们在很大程度上管理自身事务的权力。这样,非洲国家可以采用自己的货币,制定独立的经济和安全政策,但英国通过英联邦维持与其前殖民地的联系。通过这种方式,前殖民地保留了英国的某些结构,如语言和共同的法律体系。与法国不同,英国还战略性地将其公司(如德拉鲁公司)定位为通过商业协议而非政治恐吓来印刷其前殖民地货币的更佳选择。

Undoubtedly, despite the differences, both the French policy of assimilation and British indirect rule perpetuated a sense of dependency aimed to impoverish African colonies. The glaring effects of this barbarism are still deeply felt in Africa today.

无疑问,尽管存在差异,法国的同化政策和英国的间接统治都延续了一种依赖关系,旨在使非洲殖民地持续贫困。这种野蛮行为的影响至今仍在非洲深深感受到。

By Maxwell Boamah Amofa, research officer at the West Africa Transitional Justice Center (WATJ) and coordinator for International Partnerships for African Development (IPAD)

作者:Maxwell Boamah Amofa,西非过渡司法中心(WATJ)研究官员,非洲国际发展伙伴关系(IPAD)协调员