The islands still struggle with the legacy of colonialism and the divisions intentionally sown between ethnic groups.

（夏威夷）这些岛屿的人们仍在同殖民主义的遗产和故意在族裔群体之间播下的分裂种子作斗争。


Carolann Carl, a Pohnpeian storyteller, poses in the halls of Washington Middle School in Honolulu. When she was invited as a sixth grader to be in the school’s advanced learner’s program, a school administrator expressed disbelief that Carl was full Pohnpeian (Pohnpei is an island in Micronesia). “I can’t forget what my mother said [to me],” says Carl: “‘I worked so hard for you to be accepted. When you do succeed, they can't accept that you’re Micronesian.’

Carolann Carl，波纳佩的说书人，照片摄于檀香山华盛顿中学的大厅里。当她作为六年级学生被邀请参加学校的高级学习者项目时，学校管理人员表示不相信Carl完全是波纳佩人血统(波纳佩是密克罗尼西亚的一个岛屿)。“我不能忘记妈妈对我说的话，” Carl说，“她说‘我那么努力才让你被录取。当你成功时，他们无法接受你是密克罗尼西亚人。’“
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处


She also spoke of how her family had once discouraged her from wearing her urohs, a traditional Pohnpeian skirt, outside for fear of being targeted. “Urohs are depictions of wealth [and] status symbols,” says Carl. “Here, racism has demeaned and denigrated such beauty to a point where people think we wear them because we’re poor, we’re dirty, all of the negative things racism has come to equate with being Micronesian."

她还谈到，她的家人曾经因为害怕成为攻击目标而不让她在外面穿她的urohs，这是一种传统的波纳佩风格裙子。“uros是财富和地位的象征，”Carl说。“在这里，种族主义贬低和诋毁这样的美，以至于人们认为我们穿它们是因为我们穷，我们脏，所有这些负面的评论都被种族主义者安在了密克罗尼西亚人身上。”

BY IMANI ALTEMUS-WILLIAMS ANDMARIE ERIEL HOBRO

作者：伊马尼·阿尔特穆斯-威廉斯和玛丽·埃里尔·霍布罗

To outsiders, Hawai‘i might seem like the epitome of a post-racial society. For decades, scholars, writers, and tourism boosters have portrayed the islands that way—as a “racial utopia” where Native Hawaiians and Asians live harmoniously alongside white people, with the largely non-white population serving as the antidote to racism.

在外人看来，夏威夷似乎是一个后种族社会的缩影。几十年来，学者、作家和旅游推行者一直这样描述这个岛屿——一个“种族乌托邦”，在那里夏威夷原住民和亚洲人与白人和谐地生活在一起，那里的非白人人口则成为了美国种族主义的解药。
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处


After all, no racial group holds a majority on the islands, and nearly a quarter of the population reports having a multiracial background. Compare that to the United States as a whole, where only 3 percent of the population is multiracial and three-quarters is white.

毕竟，这些岛上没有一个种族群体占多数，报告显示那里近四分之一的人口都有多种族背景。而在整个美国，只有3%的人口是多种族的，四分之三的人口是白人。

But Hawai‘i’s racial make-up does not stem from a desire to unify races. Instead, it comes from concerted Western efforts to eradicate Native Hawaiian culture and create division among sugar plantation workers. The reverberations are still felt among residents today, including by the people featured in these portraits. Photographed in spaces lixed to discrimination against their respective cultures and in places where they find healing from those traumas, they are part of our ongoing project focused on dismantling the myth of Hawai‘i as a post-racial paradise.

但是夏威夷的种族构成并非源于种族统一的愿望。相反，这种种族构成起源于西方国家齐心协力的努力，旨在根除夏威夷的土著文化，并在糖种植园工人之间制造分裂。时至今日，人们仍能感受到这种影响，包括从这些肖像中的人物身上也能感受到。这些照片是在与他们各自的文化受到歧视有关的空间拍摄的，也是在他们从这些创伤中找到治愈的地方拍摄的。我们的项目致力于打破夏威夷作为后种族天堂的神话，而他们是我们正在进行的项目的一部分。

the Hawaii state capitol building
a man poses for a portrait outside of the Hawaii State Capitol building.
LEEROY ITTU
Leeroy Ittu, a former special needs teacher from Kosrae, sits in front of the Hawaiʻi State Capitol building in Honolulu. For Ittu, the capitol represents Hawaiʻi’s failure to protect and support Micronesians. “I am three times a Micronesian. I am Kosraean, Marshallese, and Gilbertese. I should be proud of my ancestors, but life is hard here,” he says. It’s very hard for Micronesians to survive here. All I see here is discrimination [and] faded dreams...

Leeroy Ittu是一位来自科斯雷的特殊需求教师，他正坐在檀香山夏威夷州议会大厦前。对Ittu来说，国会大厦是夏威夷未能保护和支持密克罗尼西亚人的象征。他说：“我是密克罗尼西亚人三代。我是科斯瑞恩，马绍尔斯和吉尔伯特。我应该为我的祖先感到骄傲，但这里的生活很艰难。”密克罗尼西亚人很难在这里生存。我在这里看到的都是歧视和褪色的梦想……

[People in Hawaiʻi] call us cockroaches and say horrible things about us. They blame us for everything.” He tried dying his hair to blend in better—and to avoid violence. “However we dress back home, we’re told not to dress like that here,” he says. “When you go to a job interview, you have to hide the fact that you’re Micronesian. My cousins told me not to tell them you’re Micronesian. ‘Tell them you’re something else. Say you’re from an island by Guam.’ But why should I lie about who I am? … I hope I will find peace here... We are humans too.”

[夏威夷人]叫我们蟑螂，说我们的坏话。他们什么事都怪我们。”为了更好地融入人群，也为了避免暴力针对，他试着染发。他说：“无论我们在家里穿什么，我们都被告知不要在这里穿成那样，当你去参加工作面试时，你必须掩盖自己是密克罗尼西亚人的事实。我的堂兄弟告诫我别告诉面试官你是密克罗尼西亚人。他们说，‘告诉他们你是别的种族的。说你来自关岛旁边的一个岛屿。’但是我为什么要对自己的身份撒谎呢?......我希望我能在这里找到平静……我们也是人。”

a woman poses for a portrait in front of a Baobab tree in Hawaii
a woman holding a Baobab fruit
AKIEMI GLENN
Akiemi Glenn, who identifies as Black and a descendent of the Coharies, an Indian tribe in North Carolina, poses in front of a Baobab tree in the African section of the Koko Crater Botanical Garden in Honolulu. As the founder and executive director of the Pōpolo Project, she is working to redefine what it means to be Black in Hawai‘i.

Akiemi Glenn被认为是一名黑人，她是北卡罗来纳州印第安部落Coharies的后裔。图中她在檀香山可可火山口植物园的非洲区里的一棵猴面包树前摆姿势。作为Pōpolo项目的创始人和执行董事，她正在努力重新定义作为一名黑人，在夏威夷意味着什么。

“I was really drawn to the collection of Baobab trees that they have in the middle of the African plant section,” she says. The tree “lives all across the continent of Africa and is a plant that represents spiritual connection. In many different cultures, people connect with that tree as a food source, as a source of oil, but also as a spiritual representative of the connection between this world and the world of our ancestors and the living and the yet to live. I found it really striking that these trees found their way to Hawaiʻi.”

“我真的被他们在非洲植物区收集的猴面包树所吸引，”她说。这种树“遍布非洲大陆，是一种代表精神联系的植物。在许多不同的文化中，人们将这棵树作为食物来源，作为油的来源，同时也作为一种精神上的代表，它们将这个世界与我们的祖先的世界以及活着的和尚未活着的世界联系在一起。我发现这些树居然出现在了夏威夷，这真的很让人惊讶。”
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处


To Glenn, learning about plants, languages, and heritage can be empowering tools for understanding oneself and the environment. “If you’re not Hawaiian, there are ways to shift your mindset by speaking your ancestral languages or speaking another language that’s not a colonizing language,” she says. “For myself, one of the tools that has been really valuable is learning more about my people, where I come from to help myself have a better context for who I am. Sometimes, that is manifested through things like plants and a lot of times it’s manifested through deepening my relationships with folks who share background with me and learning together.”

对Glenn来说，学习植物、语言和遗产可以成为理解自身和环境的有力工具。她说:“如果你不是夏威夷人，你可以通过说你祖先的语言或说另一种非殖民语言来改变你的思维方式。对我自己来说，真正有价值的工具之一是更多地了解我的族人，我来自哪里，这样可以帮助自己更好地了解我是谁。有时候，这是通过植物之类的东西表现出来的，但很多时候，这是通过加深与那些与我有共同背景、共同学习的人的关系表现出来的。”

A taro plant
a father and his two daughters pose for a portrait at their home
MYKIE OZOA-AGLUGUB, ALAN OZOA, AND KENZIE OZOA
Mykie Ozoa-Aglugub (left), Alan Ozoa, and Kenzie Ozoa volunteer at Kākoʻo ʻŌiwi, a farm in Kaneohe. The family, which has deep connections to the plantation era, primarily identifies as Filipino (Bontok Igorot) and Puerto Rican, but also has roots in China, Japan, and Spain. Mykie and Kenzie’s Puerto Rican great grandmother was trafficked and brought to Hawai’i at 12 years old as a picture bride.

Mykie Ozoa- aglugub(左)，Alan Ozoa和Kenzie Ozoa在KākoʻoʻŌiwi农场做志愿者，这是位于卡内奥赫（夏威夷城市）的一个农场。这个家族与种植园时代有很深的联系，他们的血统主要是菲律宾人和波多黎各人，但也有中国、日本和西班牙的根。Mykie和Kenzie的波多黎各裔曾祖母在12岁时被贩卖到夏威夷做照片新娘。

Alan Ozoa worked on the pineapple fields on Lānaʻi as a youth. “Working at the loʻi is antithetical to plantation agriculture and plantation culture,” says Mykie Ozoa-Aglugub. “There’s no hierarchy, no bosses, and the satisfaction in production and productivity is tied to community care, not false concepts created by capitalism. As a family, we’ve always lived at the foot of the Koʻolaus so it’s really special to work the land and be in a reciprocal relationship with the land in Koʻolaupoko.”

Alan Ozoa年轻时在Lānaʻi的菠萝田工作。“在loʻi工作与种植园农业和种植园文化是对立的，”Mykie Ozoa-Aglugub说。“这里没有等级制度，没有老板，生产和生产率的满意度与社区保健联系在一起，而与资本主义创造的错误概念无关。作为一个家庭，我们一直生活在Koʻolaus山脚下，所以在Koʻolaupoko这块土地上耕作，与这块土地保持互惠关系真的是一种很特别的感受。”

The racial conflict began when Captain James Cook and his men came ashore in the Hawaiian islands in 1778. An estimated 683,000 Native Hawaiians were living in a culturally rich, self-sustaining society and thriving in the ahupuaʻa system—a model for equitably distributing land, resources, and work. The Europeans brought diseases, Western ways of thinking, and labor-intensive sugar plantations, leading to a cascade of traumatic events—including a sharp decline in population, the 1893 illegal overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom, and what many consider to be an ongoing occupation.

种族冲突始于1778年James Cook船长和他的手下在夏威夷群岛登录。据估计，当时68.3万夏威夷原住民生活在一个文化丰富、自给自足的社会中，并在ahupua模式下蓬勃发展。ahupua是一个系统，一个公平分配土地、资源和工作的模式。然而，欧洲人带来了疾病、西方的思维方式和劳动密集型的蔗糖种植园，导致了包括人口的急剧下降，1893年夏威夷王国的非法推翻，以及被许多人认为是持续的占领的一连串的创伤事件。

When Native Hawaiians protested inhumane conditions, owners sought out other ethnic groups for cheap labor on the plantations. Beginning in the 19th century, contract laborers from China, Japan, Okinawa, Portugal, Puerto Rico, Korea, Cape Verde, and the Philippines were lured to the islands with the promise of a paradisiacal lifestyle. Instead, the work was inescapably grueling –– especially under the Masters and Servants Act of 1850, which confined laborers to the plantations

当夏威夷原住民抗议不人道的环境时，种植园主就向其他种族寻求廉价劳动力。从19世纪开始，来自中国、日本、冲绳、葡萄牙、波多黎各、韩国、佛得角和菲律宾的合同工被夏威夷天堂般的生活方式吸引到这些岛屿。但是与想象的生活相反，这种工作不可避免地会让人精疲力尽，尤其是1850年的《主人与仆人法》的颁布，让这些劳工被限制在了种植园内。

“The [Hawaiian] monarchy tried to mitigate against the abuses through personal pressure on the plantation owners,” says cultural historian Adam Keawe Manalo-Camp, but King Kalākaua had been forced to sign the Bayonet Constitution, which greatly limited the monarchy’s power. Beyond using tactics to increase productivity and profit, plantation owners also made calculated efforts to minimize workers’ power and labor strikes.

文化历史学家Adam Keawe Manalo-Camp说：“(夏威夷)君主曾试图通过对种植园主施加个人压力来减轻对劳工的虐待，”但是当时的国王被迫签署了《刺刀宪法》，这极大地限制了君主的权力。除了使用策略提高生产力和利润，种植园主们还努力减少工人的权力和限制他们罢工。

They segregated ethnic groups, paying them varying wages to incite tension and awarding those with a closer proximity to whiteness with higher pay and positions. Some planters even tried to revive Southern-style cotton plantations on Oʻahu. Laborers were whipped, stripped of their names, and only referred to by their “bango” identification tags.

他们对少数民族实行种族隔离，支付不同的工资，以此煽动紧张局势，并授予那些更接近白人的人更高的工资和职位。一些种植园主甚至试图在c(在太平洋中北部;美国夏威夷群岛的主岛)上恢复南方风格的棉花种植园模式。于是劳工们被鞭打，被剥夺了名字，他们被后人铭记的只有一个叫做“班戈”的身份标签。

“Much like slave patrols in the South, police officers hunted plantation workers who tried to escape the islands and their indentured servitude,” says Michael Miranda, chair of the Kauaʻi Historical Society.

瓦胡岛历史学会主席Michael Miranda说:“警察就像南方的奴隶巡逻队一样，他们追捕试图逃离岛屿以及他们的劳役合同的种植园工人。”

Katsu Goto, a Japanese merchant and interpreter, was lynched in 1889 for overstaying his contract, establishing a business, and translating documents from English to Japanese for colleagues. “The cycle repeated: Workers come here, they're mistreated, they save enough to leave the plantation, and violence ensues,” Miranda adds.

日本商人兼翻译 Katsu Goto在1889年被处以私刑，原因是合同过期。他建立了一家公司，业务是为同事把英文文件翻译成日语。“这样的循环不断重复:工人们来到这里，工作中他们受到了虐待，等到他们攒够了钱想离开种植园的时候，暴力就发生了，” Miranda补充道。

a man poses in front of ʻIolani Palace, the former home of the Hawaiian Monarchy, in Honolulu Hawaii
the Hawaiian coat of arms
ADAM KEAWE MANALO-CAMP
Adam Keawe Manalo-Camp, a cultural historian and activist of Native Hawaiian and Filipino descent, poses in front of the ʻIolani Palace, the former home of the Hawaiian monarchy in Honolulu. “To me, ʻIolani Palace represents the beginnings of a society that was rooted in Native Hawaiian traditions –– yet progressive and modern.” he says. In 1887, the Bayonet Constitution stripped King Kalākaua and the Hawaiian monarchy of their power.

Adam Keawe Manalo-Camp是一位文化历史学家、夏威夷原住民和菲律宾裔活动人士。图片摄于檀香山的夏威夷君主制故居伊奥拉尼宫殿前。他说:“对我来说，伊奥拉尼宫殿代表了一个社会的开端，这个社会植根于夏威夷土著传统，但又有进步和现代化。”1887年，《刺刀宪法》剥夺了国王Kalākaua和夏威夷君主的权力。

In 1893, after Queen Liliʻiuokalani proposed a new constitution that would restore power to the monarchy, American sugar planters and the U.S. military overthrew the Hawaiian Kingdom. In 1895, an unsuccessful attempt by Hawaiian royalists to restore Queen Liliʻuokalani's power resulted in her being imprisoned in her former palace. Three years after the overthrow, “a law went into place banning the use of ‘Ōlelo Hawaiʻi [Hawaiian language] in the schools,” says Manalo-Camp. “Similar to Native American resident schools, the language was disenfranchised from the education system until 1986.

1893年，在Liliʻiuokalani女王提出新宪法，将权力恢复给君主制后，美国糖业种植园主和美国军队又推翻了夏威夷王国。1895年，夏威夷保皇派试图恢复Liliʻiuokalani女王的权力，但结果失败了，后来她被囚禁在她以前的宫殿里。Manalo-Camp说，在夏威夷王国被推翻三年后，“一项法律出台，该法律禁止在学校使用夏威夷语。”这与美国土著居民学校类似，语言都被剥夺了教育制度的权利，这种法律持续到了1986年。

My first language was Hawaiian. I was told not to speak or think in Hawaiian and put in an English as a Second Language Program (ESL). This was in the 1980s.” Many kūpuna, or elders, were punished for speaking in their native tongue, resulting in a severe loss of language until the Hawaiian Renaissance. “You cannot tell me that imposing a foreign identity, language, and religion on a people is not traumatic.”

我的母语是夏威夷语。我被告知不要用夏威夷语说话或思考，并被安排参加英语作为第二语言的课程(ESL)。那时候是在20世纪80年代。” 我的许多长辈们就因为说他们的母语而受到了惩罚，这导致了语言的严重丢失，直到夏威夷文艺复兴才有所好转。“你不能说把外国身份、语言和宗教强加给一个民族就不会造成创伤。”

The University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa's Varney Fountain
a woman stands in front of the University of Hawaii
NOELANI GOODYEAR-KAʻŌPUA
Noelani Goodyear-Kaʻōpua, who is of Native Hawaiian, Chinese, and English descent, stands on the steps of Hawaiʻi Hall on the campus of the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa in Honolulu (UH). A professor at the university, she is also a co-founder of Hālau Kū Māna Public Charter School and an organizer, along with her husband, of La Hoihoi Ea, a celebration of Sovereignty Restoration Day. "This whole ahupuaʻa was historically planted in kalo [taro]. After the U.S. occupation began and UH was being built, the loʻi [field] here was destroyed,” she says. “Over 22 acres of land tended by Hawaiian and Chinese farmers [were] torn up to make way for a College of Agriculture and Mechanical Arts.

Noelani Goodyear-Kaʻōpua是夏威夷土著，她是中国人和英国人的后裔。图中她站在夏威夷大学校园的夏威夷大厅的台阶上。她是这所大学的一名教授，也是Hālau Kū Māna公立特许学校的联合创始人之一，她还和她的丈夫一起组织了La Hoihoi Ea主权恢复日的庆祝活动。她说：“在美国开始占领夏威夷并在这里建设之后，这里的田地就被摧毁了，夏威夷人和中国农民耕种的超过22英亩的土地被夷为平地，取而代之的是农业和机械艺术学院。。

The stones taken from the banks of those loʻi were piled into a huge mound, six feet high and stretching over an acre. This Indigenous agricultural infrastructure –– over 5,000 cubic yards of stone –– was removed to make way for the new college. White faculty were brought in from the East Coast to teach about settler forms of agriculture. Hawaiʻi Hall stands where those displaced pohaku [stones] were put.”

从河岸边上取出的石头被堆成一个巨大的土堆，高达英尺高，延伸超过一英亩。超过5000立方码的这些石头是土著农业的基础设施，却被移走了，只因为美国人要在这里建设新学院。白人教师从东海岸被引进来教授移民农业形式。夏威夷厅就矗立在那些被转移的石头之上。”
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处


Hawaʻii Hall is in the center of which is a fountain adorned with the tiki motif. (Tiki is the New Zealand and Polynesian term; kiʻi the Native Hawaiian.) Kiʻi represents gods, deities, and guardians but, despite its cultural significance, has been appropriated for American tiki bars. The university has long had an uncomfortable relationship with Hawai‘i’s diverse residents, early on viewing the islands as a “racial laboratory” and even proposing a station for racial research in 1926.

夏威夷大厅的中心是一个装饰着锚点tiki主题的喷泉。(Tiki是新西兰和波利尼西亚术语;kiʻi the Native Hawaiian.)Kiʻi代表神、精灵和守护者，但是，尽管它有着深厚的文化意义，这里还是已经被用于美国的tiki酒吧了。长期以来，这所大学与夏威夷多元居民的关系一直不太融洽，该大学很早就将该岛视为一个“种族实验室”了，甚至在1926年提议设立一个种族研究站。

In more recent years, the institution has been criticized for funding the Thirty Meter Telescope on Mauna a Wākea and taking away various Asian and Pacific Islander language programs and classes. Last month, UH students hurled anti-Black sentiments against Morehouse College students.

近年来，该机构因资助莫纳山30米长的望远镜Wākea以及取消各种亚洲和太平洋岛民语言项目和课程而受到批评。上个月，夏威夷大学的学生对莫尔豪斯学院的学生释放出了反黑人的情绪。

people pose for a portrait in a cemetery in Hawaii
a gravesite in Hawaii
SHAYNA LONOAEA-ALEXANDER AND JEN JENKINS
Shayna Lonoaea-Alexander (left) with their partner, Jen Jenkins (right), stand at the gravesite of Joseph Kahahawai at Puea Cemetery in Kalihi. Kahahawai was one of five men falsely accused in 1931 of beating and raping Thalia Massie, a wealthy white woman married to a U.S. Navy lieutenant. Massie’s husband and mother, along with two other Navy men, abducted and murdered Kahahawai. Lonoaea-Alexander (Native Hawaiian, Samoan, Filipino, Black, Chinese, and white) and Jenkins (Black), both work in criminal justice reform and see this history as a point of solidarity between the Native Hawaiian and Black communities.

Shayna Lonoaea-Alexander (左)和他们的伴侣Jen Jenkins (右)站在位于卡利希Puea公墓的Joseph Kahahawai的墓地前。1931年，五名男子被诬告殴打并强奸嫁给一名美国海军中尉的富有白人女子Thalia Massie，Kahahawai就是这五人之一。Massie的丈夫和母亲，以及另外两名海军士兵绑架并谋杀了Kahahawai。Lonoea - alexander(是一位夏威夷原住民，拥有萨摩亚人、菲律宾人、黑人、中国人和白人的血统)和Jenkins(黑人)二人都致力于刑事司法改革，她们将这段历史视为夏威夷原住民和黑人社区之间的团结点。

“I will never forget learning about Joseph and diving deeper into what happened,” says Jenkins. “The mentality around the Massie Case [was that] Hawaiians are more likely to be criminals. That’s how it’s portrayed for Black people. George Floyd, Tamir Rice, and Trayvon Martin –– these are just young boys and men who are being murdered. There are women and trans Black women who are being killed. It's almost like they're disposable or their lives don't matter, which is where we get Black Lives Matter from. [The parallels are] undeniable. The truth is that we've been failed systemically and socially.”

Jenkins说:“我永远不会停止对Joseph的了解，以及更深入地探究所发生的事情。对于Massie案的心态，人们倾向于夏威夷人更有可能是罪犯。这也是对黑人的描述。乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)、塔米尔·赖斯(Tamir Rice)和特雷沃恩·马丁(Trayvon Martin)等黑人受害者，他们都只是被谋杀的年轻男孩和男人。也有女性和跨性别黑人女性被杀害，人们对待他们的态度就好像他们是可以随意被处置的，或者他们的生命不重要，这就是我们发出的“黑人生命也是重要的”口号的由来。黑人遭遇与夏威夷人遭遇的相似之处是不可否认的。事实是，我们在制度和社会上都失败了。”

Still sociologists in the 1920s and 30s looked at Hawai‘i’s mix of races and ethnicities, and especially the intermarriage among them, and saw the ultimate racial laboratory, where they could conduct race-related studies. Romanzo Colfax Adams, a leading sociologist at the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, promoted the notion that Hawai'i was a so-called melting pot. “After a time the terms now commonly used to designate the various groups according to the country of birth or ancestry will be forgotten,” he wrote in 1925. “There will be no Portuguese, no Chinese, no Japanese — only American.”

20世纪20年代和30年代的社会学家仍然在关注着夏威夷的种族混合问题，尤其是他们跨种族之间的通婚。这些社会学家见证了最终的种族实验室的建成，并在那里进行种族相关的研究。Romanzo Colfax Adams是夏威夷大学玛诺阿主校校区的一位社会学家, 他推广了夏威夷是一个所谓的种族大熔炉的概念。他在1925年写道：” 过一段时间后，现在常用来根据出生国家或血统来指定不同群体的术语将被遗忘。夏威夷将不会有葡萄牙人、中国人、日本人，剩下的将只有美国人。”

Although modern scholars such as Jonathan Okamura ascribe early intermarriage rates to a sex imbalance among the populations rather than any special tolerance, politicians touted Hawai‘i as a society of “colonial progress” where Asians and Native Hawaiians could culturally assimilate and become “model minorities,” an argument that eventually led to Hawai‘i’s statehood (many Native Hawaiians and non-Hawaiian locals alike often refer to the islands as a “fake state” given the lawless process involved).

尽管像Jonathan Okamura这样的现代学者把早期的异族通婚率归咎于人口中的性别失衡，而不是任何特殊的包容性，但是政客们仍然吹嘘夏威夷是一个“殖民进步”的社会，他们称亚洲人和夏威夷原住民可以在文化上同化，成为“模范少数族裔”，这一争论最终促成了了夏威夷的州地位(因为涉及到无法无天的过程，许多夏威夷原住民和非夏威夷本地人都经常把这些岛屿称为“假州”)。

The concept of racial utopia was being weaponized to undermine Black struggles on the continent and demonize people of color on the islands for “disrupting racial harmony,” especially in the cases of Myles Fukunaga, who was hanged for murder in 1928, and Joseph Kahahawai, who was falsely accused of rape and murdered in 1931. Nevertheless, by the 1950s and 60s, the tourism industry was selling the “Aloha Spirit,” Native Hawaiian culture, and racial harmony as commodities that visitors could purchase with a plane ticket.

种族乌托邦的概念被用于破坏非洲黑人的斗争和岛上的妖魔化有色人种”破坏种族和谐,“尤其是在1928年因谋杀被绞死的Myles Fukunaga案件以及被诬陷强奸并于1931年被谋杀的Joseph Kahahawai案件中尤为明显。然而，到了20世纪50年代和60年代，旅游业开始销售“阿罗哈精神”、夏威夷本土文化和种族和谐，声称游客只要买一张机票就能买到这些商品。

a staircase at an elementary school in Hawaii
a woman poses for a portrait at her former elementary school where she was bullied as a child in Hawaii
NADEZNA “NADINE” ORTEGA
Nadezna Ortega, an Ilocano language instructor at the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa, poses for a portrait at Pauoa Elementary School, which she attended after moving to Hawaiʻi from the Philippines when she was 10. Her experience as an immigrant led her to a career in Filipino studies.

Nadezna Ortega是夏威夷大学玛诺阿主校校区的伊洛卡诺语的语言教师，图片摄于宝阿小学(paoa Elementary School)。她10岁时从菲律宾搬到夏威夷后，就读于宝阿小学。她的移民经历让她开始了菲律宾研究的职业生涯。

“They would make fun of my accent,” she says. “I stopped speaking for most of that school year. I was scared to speak because if I spoke, they would make fun of me. It caused me to internalize shame. The summer after sixth grade, I watched a lot of TV and tried really hard to change that accent. I was like, ‘How do I speak in a way that they would accept me? Why can’t they accept me as I am?’ I used to cry to my mom: ‘I don't want to go to school. I want to go back to the Philippines.’”

“他们会取笑我的口音，”她说。“于是那学年的大部分时间里，我都不说话了。我害怕说话，因为如果我说话，他们就会取笑我。这使我变得很内向。六年级后的那个夏天，我看了很多电视，并努力改变了我的口音。我就想，‘我要怎么说才能让他们接受我呢?为什么他们不能接受真实的我?“ 我过去还常常对妈妈哭诉说:‘我不想去上学。我想回到菲律宾。’”
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处


NIKKYA TALIAFERRO AND DESIREE BURTON
Nikkya Taliaferro (left) and Desiree Burton pose in front of a mural in Honolulu reading "End Racism." Taliaferro and Burton help run Hawaiʻi for Black Lives, a teen advocacy group protesting against racial injustice. The first march they ever organized, which was in honor of George Floyd, attracted over 10,000 attendees. “The murder of Lindani Myeni [a Black man killed by Honolulu police in April] further exposes the systemic problems that are present within our police department and the extent to which we excuse violence,” says Taliaferro.

在檀香山，Nikkya Taliaferro(左)和Desiree Burton在一幅壁画前留影，壁画上面写着“结束种族主义”。 Nikkya Taliaferro和Desiree Burton帮助运营着一家夏威夷黑人协会（Hawaiʻi for Black Lives），这是一个抗议种族不公正的青少年倡导组织。他们组织的第一次游行是为了纪念乔治·弗洛伊德，这次游行吸引了超过一万名的参与者。Taliaferro说:“林达尼·梅尼(今年4月被火奴鲁鲁警方杀害的一名黑人)的谋杀案进一步暴露了我们国家警察局内部存在的系统性问题，也暴露了我们少数族裔为暴力辩解的局限性。”

“Our police are no longer serving their purpose to protect our community and we cannot continue to allow this danger to continue. Murder should not be an option regardless of the faults of individuals pursued by police and our police incorrectly handled the case of Mr. Myeni. It is time to accept the faults of not only our police department, but every other system in place within Hawaii that further encourages damage to marginalized groups.”

“我们的警察不再履行保护我们社区的职责了，我们不能让这种危险继续下去。谋杀不应该是一种选择，不管警察追查的个人有什么过错，我们的警察错误地处理了梅尼先生的案件。是时候认清不仅是我们的警察部门有错，而且夏威夷其他所有系统也有错的现实了，这些系统会进一步鼓励对边缘群体的伤害。”

statues highlighting Hawaiian cultural appropriation
a man poses for a portrait in the Waikīkī area of Honolulu
KALEO TEN
Kaleo Ten poses for a portrait in the Waikīkī area of Honolulu. For Ten, who identifies as Native Hawaiian, Black, and Japanese, Waikīkī represents the mass appropriation and destruction of his culture as a Native Hawaiian. “When I see Waikīkī, a swampland turned into a concrete jungle, I see destruction, oppression, discrimination,” he says. “I see colonization. You don’t see much representation of the local culture. None of those big hotels are owned by local people or Hawaiian people. You just see all the same luxury brands, all the same chain restaurants. Tourism is destruction of the environment and the environment as a Kanaka [Native Hawaiian] is everything. It’s who we are.”

图为Kaleo Ten在火奴鲁鲁威基基地区拍摄肖像。对于被认为是夏威夷土著、黑人和日本人的Ten来说，威基基代表了夏威夷土著文化被大规模盗用和破坏的现实。他说:“当我看到威基基这个由沼泽变成水泥丛林的地方时，我就看到了破坏、压迫和歧视。我看到了殖民。闲置你看不到多少当地文化的代表了。这些大旅馆都不是当地人或夏威夷人所有的。你目之所及都是同样的奢侈品牌，同样的连锁餐厅。旅游业破坏了环境，而环境对我们卡那卡人来说就是一切。”

The ethnic hierarchies created during the plantation era still exist today. There continues to be persistent mistreatment of Native Hawaiian, Filipino, Samoan, Micronesian, Black, and Tongan communities, especially within the education, economic, and justice systems. Native Hawaiians have among the highest poverty rates on the islands and make up some 20 percent of Hawaiʻi’s houseless population.

种植园时代产生的种族等级制度今天仍然存在。当地的夏威夷人、菲律宾人、萨摩亚人、密克罗尼西亚人、黑人和汤加人社区持续受到差待，特别是在教育、经济和司法系统内。夏威夷土著居民是岛上贫困率最高的，约占夏威夷无家可归人口的20%。

Samoans, Tongans, and Filipinos struggle with low per capita incomes, while more than half of Hawai‘i’s Marshallese population are impoverished. Black residents do slightly better financially but account for nearly a third of the state’s reports of race-related employment discrimination. Meanwhile, Japanese residents earn the highest per capita income at $32,129, followed by white residents at $31,621. Both groups dominate the racial make-up of Hawai‘i’s current government.

萨摩亚人、汤加人和菲律宾人的人均收入很低，而夏威夷马绍尔群岛一半以上的人口生活在贫困之中。黑人居民的经济状况稍好一些，但在该州有关种族就业歧视的报告中，黑人占了近三分之一。与此同时，这里的日本居民的人均收入最高，为32129美元，其次是白人居民，为31621美元。这两个群体在夏威夷现任政府的种族构成中占主导地位。

Samoans, Tongans, and Micronesians face discrimination similar to what Filipinos faced during the plantation era but Micronesians, the most recent immigrants, endure the brunt of it. “Most Micronesians in Hawaiʻi come from nations that have Compact of Free Association (COFA) agreements with the U.S., which allows us to work [here] in exchange for military control of our territories,” says Leeroy Ittu, a former special needs teacher from Kosrae. “Many locals wrongly accuse us of taking jobs away, yet we are also somehow on welfare. The truth is many of us work at low wage jobs because of discrimination and our political status.”

萨摩亚人、汤加人和密克罗尼西亚人面临着与菲律宾人在种植园时代所面临的歧视类似的歧视，但作为最近的移民，密克罗尼西亚人承受了首当其冲的影响。“夏威夷的大多数密克罗尼西亚人来自与美国签订了自由联合条约(COFA)的国家，该协议允许我们[在这里]工作，以换取对我们领土的军事控制，”Leeroy Ittu这样说道，他以前是科斯雷的一名特殊需要教师。“许多当地人错误地指责我们抢走了工作，但我们也是靠社会福利生活。事实上，我们很多人因为歧视和政治地位而从事着低薪工作。”
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处


a couple poses for a portrait at a family home in Hawaii
A breadfruit tree
MAOSI TUITELE AND UESA TUITELE
Maosi Tuitele (left) poses for a portrait with his wife, Uesa Tuitele, at his family’s home in Aiea. Tuitele is of Samoan and Portuguese descent but was adopted by a Marshallese family in his teens. “My great Aunt Tauamalo Su’a and her husband Filo initially moved to Hawaiʻi from Samoa and her home was the meeting point for all family who would come after,” Maosi says. “It is a place of history for my family –– a place of comfort and a piece of Samoa where our cultural practices are still alive and our language still spoken. When my wife and I first arrived from Samoa, she remarked how it reminded her of home because of the way of life they lead.”

Maosi Tuitele (左)与妻子Uesa Tuitele在位于阿亚的家中合影。Tuitele是萨摩亚和葡萄牙血统，但在他十几岁时被马绍尔家族收养了。“我的姑婆陶Tauamalo Su’a和她的丈夫Filo是最初从萨摩亚搬到夏威夷来的人，她的家是所有家庭后来的集合点，” Maosi说。“对我的家庭来说，这是一个历史的地方，是一个舒适的地方，是萨摩亚的一部分，我们的文化习俗仍然活着，我们的语言仍然在使用。我和妻子刚从萨摩亚来到这里时，她说那里的生活方式让她想起了家。”
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处


Even though Maosi finds comfort in Pacific Islander communities, he has experienced racism elsewhere. “Anxiety at work has been a huge issue,” he says. “Our economy is shouldered on the backs of island people. We as Pacific islanders are forced to apologize for being alive because of the anxiety our stereotypes cause others. We sell our souls every day in this service industry for the good of no one. There is no true aloha in this business.”

尽管Maosi在太平洋岛民社区找到了慰藉，但他在其他地方也经历过种族歧视。“工作中的焦虑一直是一个大问题，”他说。“我们的经济是扛在岛上人民的肩上的。我们作为太平洋岛民被迫为活着而道歉，因为我们的刻板印象给其他人带来了焦虑。在这个服务行业，我们每天都在出卖自己的灵魂。在这个行业里没有真正的阿罗哈精神。”
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处


Traditional tatatau tools
a man in his tattoo shop in Hawaii
AISEA TOETUU
Aisea Toetuu is a pioneer of traditional Tongan tatatau artistry and a co-founder of Soul Signature Tattoo in Honolulu as well as Kaliloa School, a Tongan arts and language school. For Toetuu, who is primarily of Tongan, Filipino, and Hawaiian descent, Soul Signature is a sanctuary where he finds healing from the traumas of racism and colonialism. “Designs, patterns, and symbols become a language of one’s culture,” he says.

Aisea Toetuu是汤加传统纹身艺术的先驱，是檀香山灵魂签名纹身和汤加艺术和语言学校Kaliloa学校的联合创始人。Toetuu主要是汤加人、菲律宾人和夏威夷人的后裔，灵魂签名是他治愈种族主义和殖民主义创伤的避难所。“设计、图案和符号成为一种文化语言，”他说。

“Before pre-European or pre-Christian contact, tattoos were a form of written language that signified [where] a person came from. The marks of tattoos gave me pride and made me want to learn more about my heritage.” Toetuu continues to tattoo Tongan men with the traditional Tongan tatatau that he revised and named TaVaka. “I believe [that] art is a language,” he says. “It creates symbols that are universal which people can relate to. Tattoo symbols connect us back to our Indigenous language.”

“在欧洲或基督教出现之前，纹身是一种书面语言，用来表示一个人来自哪里。纹身的印记给了我自豪感，让我想更多地了解我的传统。Toetuu继续用传统的汤加纹身给汤加人纹身，他修改了这种纹身并命名为TaVaka。他说：“我相信艺术是一种语言，它创造了人们可以联系的普遍符号。纹身符号将我们与我们的土著语言联系起来了。”

a woman sits on a bed in Hawaii's Plantation Village
decorations on the wall in Hawaii's Plantation Village
DEANNA ESPINAS
Deanna Espinas sits atop a bed at Hawaiʻi’s Plantation Village in Waipahu, which is furnished by donations from former plantation workers and their families. While Espinas, the president of the museum’s board, has no direct familial ties to the plantation era, she has a deep interest in the experiences of Filipino sugar plantation laborers (Sakadas) who came to Hawaiʻi. They were subjected to intense discrimination and paid the lowest wages at 77 cents a day.

图中，Deanna Espinas坐在位于夏威夷帕胡的种植村博物馆的床上，这是由前种植园工人和他们的家人捐赠成立的。虽然身为博物馆董事会总理人的Espinas与种植园时代没有直接的家族关系，但她对来到夏威夷的菲律宾糖业种植园工人的经历有着浓厚的兴趣。他们受到了严重歧视，每天的工资最低只有77美分。

Filipino laborers began organizing strikes against the horrors of the plantation in the 1920s, which led to the Hanapēpē Massacre on Kauaʻi, where 16 Filipino men were killed by police officers while fighting for labor rights. “[They] worked under extremely difficult conditions but were determined to work hard and save money so they could go home to the Philippines,” says Espinas. “Unfortunately, because it was so difficult financially, very few of them got that opportunity.”

20世纪20年代，菲律宾劳工开始组织罢工，抗议种植园的恐怖，这导致了考阿岛的Hanapēpē大屠杀，16名菲律宾男子在争取劳工权利的过程中被警察杀害。Espinas说:“(他们)在极其困难的条件下工作，但他们决心努力工作，攒钱，期待着这样他们就可以回到菲律宾的家。不幸的是，因为经济上非常困难，他们中很少有人得到这样的机会。”

As a child in the 1950s, she had several Ninongs, or godfathers, from the plantations that she'd see during family celebrations. “We were their family. What was sad is that they never got to have their own. A lot of them came [with a] dream of working in Hawaiʻi, but they died here without their family around them. Their struggles need to be our struggles, too.”

20世纪50年代，她还是个孩子的时候，就遇见过几个来自种植园的Ninongs，也就是“教父”。“我们是他们的家人。可悲的是他们从来没有拥有过自己的家人。他们中的很多人是带着在夏威夷工作的梦想来的，但他们死在这里，没有家人在身边。他们的挣扎也应该是我们的挣扎。”

Hawai‘i isn’t immune to the racial inequities all too familiar in the continental United States. Black and Samoan mothers have the highest infant mortality rates. School curriculums often erase the histories of Native Hawaiians, other Pacific Islanders, and Asians. An enormous telescope is being planned for the sacred mountain of Mauna a Wākea.

在美国大陆上我们再熟悉不过的种族不平等现象在夏威夷也同样存在。黑人和萨摩亚母亲的婴儿死亡率最高。学校的课程里通常会抹去夏威夷原住民、其他太平洋岛民和亚洲人的历史。一个巨大的望远镜正计划在神圣的莫纳克亚山修建。

Hawai‘i also has one of the highest rates of police killings per capita. In Oʻahu, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders are subject to more than a third of the incidents of police use of force, even though they make up only 10 percent of the population. Just last month, the Honolulu Police Department killed two unarmed people of color: 16-year-old Iremamber Sykap, a Chuukese teenager nicknamed “Baby” as the youngest in his family, and 29-year-old Lindani Myeni, a Black family man originally from South Africa.

夏威夷也是警察人均杀人率最高的地区之一。在瓦胡岛(在太平洋中北部;美国夏威夷群岛的主岛)，夏威夷原住民和太平洋岛民曾受到过超过三分之一的警察使用武力的事件，尽管他们只占人口的10%。就在上个月，火奴鲁鲁警察局杀害了两名手无寸铁的非白人:16岁的iremember Sykap，一个丘克族少年，他的绰号是“宝贝”，是家里最小的孩子；以及29岁的Lindani Myeni，一个来自南非黑人家庭的男子。

We are two non-Hawaiian women of color raised in Hawai‘i; these issues go beyond just being stories for us: They are our own lived experiences and the experiences of those we hold dear. The ethnic divisions erected by the planters more than a century ago are real but they can be overcome with resilience, education, and solidarity. We see hope in movements from the Hawaiian Renaissance in the 1970s to Protect Mauna Kea now, and organizations such the Pōpolo Project, We Are Oceania, and many others that reclaim their cultures through community-building.

（本文作者）我们是两个在夏威夷长大的非夏威夷有色人种女性;这些问题不仅仅是我们的故事:它们也是我们自己的生活经历，以及我们珍视的人的经历。一个多世纪前种植园主建立的种族分裂是真实的，但它们可以通过恢复、教育和团结来克服。从20世纪70年代的夏威夷文艺复兴运动到现在的保护莫纳克亚山运动，以及诸如Pōpolo项目、我们是大洋洲等组织，我们看到了希望，还有许多其他通过社区建设来恢复其文化的组织也看起来很有盼头。

“Mau Piailug, the Micronesian master navigator who helped to resurrect Polynesian voyaging, reminded us to resist the imaginary political boundaries that separate us,” says Adam Keawe Manalo-Camp. Or, as the great Fannie Lou Hamer put it, “Nobody’s free until everybody’s free.”

Adam Keawe Manalo-Camp说:“密克罗尼西亚航海大师Mau Piailug帮助复兴了波利尼西亚航海，他提醒我们要抵制隔开我们的假想政治边界。”或者，正如伟大的Fannie Lou Hamer所说，“只有所有人都自由了，才会有真正的自由。”